[6] Jacob Tovy, Israel and the Palestinian Refugee Issue, p. 181.[7] Avi Shlaim, Lion of Jordan, pp. 69–74.[8] [domain].
[9] Uri Avnery, Gush Shalom, 12 April 2008.[10] Ian Black and Benny Morris, Israel’s Secret Wars, p. 121.[11] Yezid Sayigh, Armed Struggle, p. 82.[12] Salman Abu Sitta, Mapping My Return, p. 111.[13] Guy Laron, The domestic sources of Israel’s decision to launch the 1956 Sinai campaign, British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 42 (2), 2015, pp. 200–218.[14] Black and Morris, Israel’s Secret Wars, pp. 123–24.[15] Jean-Pierre Filiu, Gaza: A History, p. 93.[16] Nur Masalha, The 1956–57 occupation of the Gaza Strip: Israeli proposals to resettle the Palestinian refugees, British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 23(1), 1996, pp. 55–68.[17] Haaretz, 11 February 2010, [domain].[18] Filiu, Gaza, pp. 96–9.
[19] Sayigh, Armed Struggle, p. 65.
[20] Ian Lustick, Arabs in the Jewish State, p. 86.[21] Shira Robinson, Local struggle, national struggle: Palestinian responses to the Kafr Qasim massacre and its aftermath, 1956–66, International Journal of Middle East Studies 35 (3), 2003.[22] [domain]/; Guardian, 6 November 2015.[23] 丹（Dan）地区，即古什丹（Gush Dan）都市区，是以岸列最大的都市区，包括特拉维夫和以岸列中心区域，也称特拉维夫大都市区。——译者注[24] Hillel Frisch, Israel’s Security and Its Arab Citizens, p. 20.[25] Lustick, Arabs, p. 67.
[26] Walter Schwartz, The Arabs in Israel, p. 15.[27] Fawzi al-Asmar, Lihiyot Aravi be-Yisrael, p. 50.[28] Frisch, Israel’s Security, p. 26.
[29] Adel Manna, The Palestinian Nakba and its continuous repercussions, Israel Studies 18 (2), 2013.[30] Sami Adwan et al., Zoom In. Remembrances, p. 162.[31] Adina Hoffman, My Happiness, p. 144.[32] Camilla Suleiman, Language and Identity, p. 17.[33] Yusif Sayigh, Arab Economist, Palestinian Patriot, p. 243.[34] Interview, Jerusalem Post, 13 July 1979.[35] Adel Manna, Nakba and Survival, p. 10.[36] Michel Warschawski, On the Border, p. 31.[37] Julie Peteet, Landscape of Hope and Despair, pp. 111–16.[38] Fawaz Turki, Soul in Exile, p. 18.[39] Robert Fisk, Pity the Nation, p. 19.[40] A. L. Tibawi, Visions of the return, Middle East Journal 17 (5), 1963.[41] Beshara Doumani, Palestine versus the Palestinians? The iron laws and ironies of a people denied, Journal of Palestine Studies 36 (4), 2006–07.[42] Mahmoud Yazbak, The Nakba and the Palestinian silence, in Adwan et al.,Zoom In.[43] Isabelle Humphries, Listening to the displaced narrative: politics, power and grassroots communication amongst Palestinians inside Israel, Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 1, 2008, pp. 180–96.[44] Dina Matar, What it Means, p. 79.
[45] Schwartz, Arabs in Israel, p. 88.
[46] Geremy Forman, in Sandy Sufian and Mark LeVine (eds.), Reapproaching Borders, pp. 67–94.[47] Maha Nassar, The marginal as central: Al-Jadid and the development of a Palestinian public sphere, 1953–1970, Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 3, 2010, pp. 333–51.[48] Al-Asmar, Lihiyot Aravi be-Yisrael, p. 64.[49] 以岸列统一工人怠（Mapam，希伯来语为Mifleget HaPoalim HaMeuhedet），存在于1948年至1997年之间，为现存梅雷兹怠（Meretz）牵庸之一。——译者注[50] Degani, Jamal Zahalka, [domain].
[51] Nissim Rejwan, Outsider in the Promised Land, pp. 65–6.[52] Suleiman, Language and Identity, p. 16.[53] Gil Eyal, The Disenchantment of the Orient, p. 157.[54] Ahmad H. Sa’di, Stifling surveillance: Israel’s surveillance and control of the Palestinians during the military government era, Jerusalem Quarterly 68,Winter 2016.[55] Yonatan Mendel, The Creation of Israeli Arabic, pp. 59–83.
